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Politic window
1. ICT policies by Prime MinisterAbhisit's government
There are 3 main policies which are social security, economic, and land, resource and environmental policies. Those are consisting of 7 projects. The most well-known project byAbhisit's government having long period to put it up is a third generationnetwork or 3G. It is expected that competitive capabilities will be increased and maximized customers need to access high speen internet. This project was taken very much attention because, first the administrative court has a writ to postpose and delay 3G auction in accused of the right of Thailand Telecommunication Commission to seek for operators as a result of Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E.2540 was revoked by coup d'etat in 2006. after that, there would have issued that taken into talk of the town including alleged auction cost lower than social expectation, and customer protection issues, for example, fair service cost and equal distribution in internet access for all. At that time, the people mood is stronger in 3G story than that of other ICT issues. However, it was demonstrated that on October 2009, the 9th ASEAN Telecommunications and IT's Ministers meeting has been conducted in order to set up ASEAN ICT Master plan 2015 which is a part of intra-ASEAN roaming rate control initiation("Statement of policy", 2008).
2. ICT policies by Prime MinisterYingluck's government
Prime Minister Yingluckoffer 14 ICT projects which are pretty much comparing to the former government. The most outstanding projectalways heard during elective campaign in 2011 of "Pheu Thai Party" is "ICT free Wi-Fi project" Amain objective of which is to enhance an opportunity to access high speed internet throughout country and ultimately promote ASEAN integration by distributed 2 Mbps internet in 80% of district level within late 2015. By Yingluck's government, an auction of the Third generation network project (3G) is achieved even though strongly critique about lower auction price, suspected transparent auction approach, and reducing service price criteria might be existed. At this time, national mood is focusing and interesting after waiting for 3G service for long time (Adisak, 2013, pp.121-143). As a result, there is no progressive information about mobile roaming rate control at all("Statement of Policy", 2011).
3. Pressure group campaigns
Pressure group is identified normally as basic need of people. They trend to make a group that has similarity in what they need to enhance negotiation power. The groups have to battle to achieve what they want to do. In reality, some groups are more powerful than others so they are influence to agenda setting. In this study, we classified into 2 pressure groups, first between-country and second is within-country groups. For between-country group, the dominant one is ASEAN Telecommunication Regulators Councils (ATRC) which is established in 1995, then acted as ASEAN ICT advisor since 2001 which one of the main objectives is to support telecommunication bodies working together in spirit of co-operation in policy, strategic and law. In fact, it is accepted that retail roaming charges in ASEAN are significantly higher than others. On ATRC website, however, there are only 3 bilateral activity agreement to reduce mobile roaming rate which are, first Brunei Darussalam – Singapore in 2004, and in 2005 for Indonesia-Singapore and the last Malaysia-Singapore respectively. In addition, Indonesia's ICT Minister hoped to make free mobile roaming zone in Southeast Asia by 2014 ("ASEAN Connect", 2013). On the other hand, there is no supportive implication to promote mobile roaming control in Thailand. For within-country group pressure, government sectors play a minor role and also customers have little powerto push any campaigns to bring this agenda into consideration of public perception.
Conclusion
From these three windows, it can be realized that mobile roaming control is actually careless issueand there might not be problem in the sense of policy window model. This is because, from problem window, numerous feedbacks about mobile roaming is in media eye views and almost all parts of the world have made great effort in practical so it is a problem in broad level not to national level since agenda setting authorities seemingly did not hear people voice. For policy window, as knowledge of specialists become expanding, it is proved that the benefit of mobile roaming control is outweigh the costs; the tendency of more call or longer call will be multiplied when lower roaming rate but it is true that mobile service operators is rather oligopoly because there are many business congestions for new operator. Besides from these, government sectors play a minor role in addendum on ATRC Intra-ASEAN Mobile Roaming Rates (MRR) to the Record of Intent (ROI) and ASEAN ICT Master Plan 2015. Because they were declared and advocated by former government, there may be low priority to set it as agenda.
As government responsibilities, any decision must rely on public choice. For mobile roaming, government has to encounter the question of what the public interest is. First, it is necessary to know whether mobile calling signal was classified as public or private goods. Suppachai&Piyaporn (2009)categorized calling signal as quasi-public goods because it can be excluded that anyone who do not pay for service cannot take benefit but mobile signal is available for all need to pay for service. Besides calling signal, a number of customer force and knowledge of specialists plus between-country pressure groups against influential operators resisting plus unintentional government in mobile roaming control is not enough to promote that agenda setting come into public consciousness. Thus, mobile roaming control is now aware of condition in our country that likely to become the problem in agenda setting to consolidate ASEAN integration.
Suggestion
It will be more useful to study agenda setting on mobile roaming rate control by using both of qualitative and quantitative methods. In addition, budget constraints and other factor on political windows should be more extend, for example, political system, electoral politics. Because this study is based on value or normative judgement, it will be of benefit to differentiated objective and subjective conditions as stated on value conflict theory (Clemons &Mcbeth, 2001, p.5). Ultimately, comparing between policy window model on agenda setting with other agenda setting theories should do in the future.
Acknowledgements
Words can not express a great gratitude to Dr.ChokchaiSuttawet to inspire me studying in this challenging topic. Also, I am very please to thank all teachers and college at Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Mahidol University for infinity support and helpful. Promisingly, Their goodness will be in my memorandum forever.
References
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