Globalization and Restorative Justice: in the Thai Criminal
Justice System
Jutharat Ua-amnoey*
Table 2 Type and Number of Juvenile Delinquents
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|
|
Year |
|
|
Type |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
| Offense against Body and Life |
1,112 |
1,271 |
1,491 |
1,238 |
1,831 |
| Offense against Property |
5,657 |
6,010 |
6,167 |
5,109 |
5,625 |
| Sex Offense |
542 |
659 |
669 |
545 |
927 |
| Offense against Narcotics Law |
11,856 |
17,274 |
17,937 |
14,270 |
15,318 |
| Others |
10,117 |
5,458 |
4,980 |
4,229 |
5,921 |
Total |
29,284 |
30,672 |
31,244 |
25,391 |
29,622 |
3) Moreover, as with most countries around the world in Thailand the
victims of crime were neglected by the criminal law, by the criminal
justice process, and also by the government's criminal policy. Consequently,
victims themselves had to file for restitution from offenders by using
the civil court system. This type of situation results in the victims
feeling bored, disappointed, and powerless. In 1977, the constitution
accepted the crime victim's right for the first time through the Crime
Victim Compensation and Restitution and Expense for the Accused Act
2001. Two years letter, figures on victim compensation showed that the
21 crime victims received 1,542,082 baht (or USD 39,000) and that the
32 wrongfully accused persons received 11,737,087 baht (or USD 300,000)
in compensation(4) which
is eight times more than that paid out in compensation to crime victims.
These figures make several things apparent. First, the government had
paid a great deal of money to compensate for the flaws in its criminal
justice system, more in fact than was paid to the actual victims of
crime. Second, the money used to pay out this compensation came from
government budgets that comprise, at least in part, crime victims' taxes.
Third, this method of compensation does nothing to directly show the
responsibilities of offenders to their victims because the state took
this action, Thus, the adoption of the Act actually led Thai society
far from the principles of restorative justice for a time.
Fourth, the strength of the Nation-State weakened communities and led
to confusion in their roles as peacekeepers, and the network of community
control was destroyed. Thinking of crime prevention and control as "the
officers' duties and roles," in community organizations only reported
crimes and illegal behaviors to the policemen in order to be dutiful
citizens. This clearly divided the duties of the people and the duties
of the officers in the Nation-State.
However, in return for the state's negligence, in the ABAC's 2000 poll(5) "Attitudes toward criminal justice's works," fewer than half
the respondents (43.1%) said that they would willingly be a witness
in a criminal case. Furthermore, 78.8% of the 52.0% of respondents unwilling
to serve as witnesses explained that their reluctance to testify stemmed
from their mistrust in the witness security protection program, while
27.3% said that they did not want to be involved with law enforcement,
and 13.6% said involvement was a waste of time.
The above empirical data emphasizes that The Thai criminal justice
process confronted the emergency situation or crisis and especially,
faced the complex problems caused by the declination of the retributive
paradigm that focused on punishing the offender by putting them into
jail and neglecting victims and communities.
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